The biggest characteristic of poverty in Latin America is inequality. Mostly huge income inequalities, and also inequality of access to basic services (water, electricity, education, etc…).
Absolute poverty is also
very present in many countries with a great share of the population
plagued by hunger, while it’s almost inexistent in other countries.
Typically the size of the family matters in issues of malnutrition.
But first let’s first look at the obstacles that have blocked
governments' efforts to tackle poverty in Latin America. On one hand
poverty has a negative effect on economic growth. It does so by
typically bringing down levels of human capital (education, professional
experience & training, health) and by increasing crime. Sky high
levels of crime in Mexico and Brazil for example have always been a
barrier to economic development and poverty reduction.
That’s the perfect vicious cycle as poverty fuels health issues (through
lack of sanitation and access to basic services), crime, low levels of
education, which all in turn affect the economy. This makes it
impossible to solve poverty in Latin America. Whatever a government
does, there aren’t opportunities to find jobs or resources to create or
invest in new companies. Just how much poverty affects a country's
economy depends directly on how widespread poverty is in the population.
On the other hand, there’s the argument that economic growth helps the
poor, and that market liberalization is the best way to get that growth
going. That’s the founding principle of the
Washington Consensus
and other IMF, World Bank and co. (i.e. the whole neoliberal crew).
Market liberalization refers to opening borders, removing trade barriers, diminishing the role of the state and letting the market itself regulate and provide for everyone. It also implies reaching a certain degree of fiscal discipline and macroeconomic stability to avoid inflation and other bad stuff.
In fact growth does help, but only to some degree. The famous (or
infamous) “trickle-down effect” that says that as the rich get richer
they invest in their companies and create more jobs is seriously
compromised in this new world economy of ours.
Here’s why: a)
they can easily re-invest elsewhere, that’s why corporations pushed for
globalization 30-40 years ago, they gained access to cheap labor and
capital could then move anywhere; b) the service and innovation economy
doesn’t always employ that many people and the focus on R&D means
more money for the engineers only; c) the other main focus on squeezing
as much profit as possible for stakeholders means… well yeah you got it,
less money for low workers.
This is the most common effect of globalization worldwide: salaries for
high skilled jobs went up and those for low-ish skilled jobs went down.
As living conditions get better in poor countries low workers do see
their wages increase to survive the changes, but overall the effect has
been a major deepening of inequalities. An income gap, Great
Canyon-style.
So the heart of the problem today is the
distribution of income. You can be a fairly rich country like Mexico and
still have a amazingly low GDP per capita, simply because the rich keep
the money to themselves. Yet, the argument of providing companies with
favorable conditions to expand the national market and create employment
remains true no matter what, all the more in Latin American countries
where there’s still much development to do.
Now of course another way to fight poverty is to make it easier for
entrepreneurs to prosper and undertake new businesses, which has become
incredibly easier nowadays with the booming service industry and the
Internet. But too often poverty in Latin America thrives on badly,
shabbily designed administrative procedures to register a business.
It
can take months and months of hardly understandable paperwork and bribes
to set up a business. This creates a huge informal sector on which
corruption and local mobs thrive. Not to mention the impact of the
absence of taxpayers, and the fact that people can’t get grants or
work-related social security they’re entitled to (pension, health care,
cash transfers for their kids etc).
Successful transitions
So the idea is
that growth successfully reduces malnutrition and poverty in Latin
America when used jointly with steps to redistribute the riches more
equally. At least a little bit more equally. It makes no economic or
even capitalist sense for a CEO (or a few shareholders) to absorb all of
the revenues of the company for themselves rather than reinvesting it
and/or redistributing part of it to its workers. Everyone might as well
be rewarded for their hard work. If those few absorb all of the created
wealth then it’s not capitalism anymore, it’s sort of a hybrid feudal
system.
As for welfare, it’s proven pretty effective to target those suffering
from malnutrition and groups plagued by chronic poverty. But targeting
only the very poor is in fact quite limited too because it doesn’t
prevent people from falling into poverty, working-poor included. Often times,
lack of education or access to water also points out at a major flaw in
the basic urban infrastructure which then needs massive investment.
All this means that growth and redistribution are needed altogether, but also jointly with a complete revamp of the labor market to address the issue of low wages. When wages of full-time low workers still leave them living below the poverty line, you know for sure that there’s a problem somewhere.
In fact, even while the globalization-liberalization duo did bring some
economic growth to the continent and did reduce some of the poverty,
more poverty rose from the huge inequalities that resulted from the
whole process.
What caused this inequalities was partly how fast
the finance sector liberalized in Latin America. It not only boosted
specific revenues (traders) but also made capital more mobile, taking
advantage of impoverished workers who accepted any work conditions. This
goes hand in hand with the R&D focused economy mentioned before
that reserves high wages to specific jobs.
But the huge barriers to access education and the generally low
educational levels also mean that people could less take advantage of
technology to reduce poverty or apply to better jobs. In many of these
countries there are still ads on TV trying to push people to continue
their studies to college so that they can help the country develop. They
lack talent but they also lack the proper structure and infrastructure
to nurture it. More grants, professional training, “poor-friendly” loans
(microfinance is a different thing), and higher wages are necessary for
parents and/or students to support themselves throughout college.
Unlike what the IMF and the World Bank long claimed, there isn’t one
best way to develop a country. There are stark differences between each
and every one of them. These need to be at the core of any design of
anti-poverty policy. But whereas education is one proven, solid element
in the fight against poverty, the neoliberal policies promoted by the
IMF and the World Bank have made higher education more and more
inaccessible by privatizing it in many countries. This has hampered
local needs to train professionals, develop universities, and adopt new
technologies.
To be fair though, external trade liberalization did create lots of jobs
in Latin America but the conditions of the trade agreements signed are
strangely systematically in favor of the US and rich countries. Likewise
neoliberal principles brought macroeconomic stability, mostly by
bringing inflation under control. But they also left many burgeoning
industries facing global corporations and unfair trade rules. Simply
put, advanced nations have excelled at protecting their industries (aka
market distortion) right in the midst of trade liberalization - supposed
to end trade barriers – while the others didn’t have the right to
protect themselves.
What does it have to do with poverty in Latin America? Everything. It’s
about a country’s capability and right to develop its economy in all
fairness, rather than being taken advantage of by other nations that do
not have in mind the improvement of local living conditions (or send
international aid as a way to apologize). Because if they did then
poverty in Latin America would have been wiped out for decades. There is
virtually not one advanced economy that did not protect its industries
at some point of their economic development. Recently state
interventionism and mild protectionism has also been the model of South
Korea, China, India and a few successful more.
In the last ten years conditional cash transfers (CCT) have blossomed here and there, bringing new victories in the fight against poverty in Latin America.
These programs offer social safety nets and poverty reduction effects at the same time. In other words the prevent people from falling into poverty all while reducing poverty itself.
They have the advantage of - sometimes - being fairly cheap (good thing for a poor country, or even a heavily indebted one like the US) and very flexible and adaptable to different countries’ needs.
CCTs have been used to improve school attendance, thus reducing child poverty and child labor. The conditions for receiving these cash transfers is what makes the success: rather than simply verifying that kids go to school once per year, attendance is checked regularly but most of all the transfer happens only if the kids are successful at school (completing the year, having good grades). That’s after all the idea behind attending schools. Not having good grades but proving that you’ve learned something so you can grow your “human capital”.
But CCTs can really be used for anything: having parents check at the hospital or receive medical advice regularly helped reduce newborn and child mortality; it’s helped raise the income of poor households when they found a job, invested in professional training or in their kids’ education. The advantage for poverty in Latin America is that often the authorities don’t need to offer that much money to raise entire households out of poorness.
One problem though is that CCTs require a certain level of
institutional maturity and coordination (which even the US lacks) but
when well-designed these programs prove great tools to fight poverty in
Latin America in its many forms. They have been used to help with child
poverty, malnutrition, education, health, single mothers and the
elderly. Today CCTs not only represent an effective means against
poverty, it’s also a great social protection system that counterbalances
the effects of globalization and market liberalization.
What's left to do: ending poverty in Latin America
CCT programs are still at an early stage of their development and many
can be improved. In education they should assist and drive students to
continue their studies and graduate. More extensive coverage is needed
in health care programs, targeting new groups usually excluded by
poverty.
More coordination between the different programs would also increase their efficiency – in their results as well as with the public resources – and could be used along with microfinance programs. Thus the poor could make use of their improved human capital (be it health, training or education), engage in new business ventures and take control of their lives.
The flexibility that CCT programs offer also makes them an amazing tool for absorbing economic shocks and crises (natural or manmade). The fact that records exist, that households are pre-targeted and have a file makes them invaluable in hard times. It diminishes the risk of running around and blindly distributing aid, sometimes aggravating disparities (e.g. when local bosses or mobs take everything). It’s also a great way to protect populations in not so competitive countries, when they can afford it.
When well-thought out CCT programs can completely change the face of welfare, often plagued by huge wasting of public resources, not only in terms of money but also in terms of mitigated results (most of the time because of poorly designed plans). In the end we're still learning to efficiently manage public resources and it's a long process.
Now CCTs should also be focused on spurring citizens’ capabilities (so-called “empowerment”) by encouraging training, life skills, civic spirit, entrepreneurship, etc. But to end poverty in Latin America CCTs should also be put to use to spur the accumulation of physical capital, from livestock to small-scale manufacturing capabilities. That way the continent would have its own industries and be less sensitive to external shocks.
The impact of grassroots NGOs
Grassroots organizations are flourishing in many Latin American countries and we've had the chance to interview one of them working in Santiago. It was a great conversation on the nature of NGOs, aid and the best approach to helping the poor, in particular street children.
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